Mourning One's Own

R. D. Kushner
February 12, 2003

On the morning of February 1, 2003 a 100 ton machine burned up in the Earth's atmosphere 40 miles above Texas. That same day, flags across The United States were lowered to half-mast in honor of the 7 human beings who lost their lives during this mishap. Four days later, Colin Powell, delivered a seething indictment of Iraq's disarmament progress even as inspectors continued to search unsuccessfully for evidence of weapons of mass destruction. Within two days of this speech to the United Nations Security Council, Attorney General John Ashcroft raised the terror threat condition designation to "orange," indicating, "...an increased likelihood that al Qaeda may attempt to attack Americans in the United States and/or abroad in or around the end of the Haj, a Muslim religious period ending mid-February 2003" [1]. The space shuttle mishap, Iraq's menace to world peace, and the threat of terrorism. The commonality is the impact on human life and grief for the dead; the discordant feature is the revelation that not all human lives are as sacred as others. The temporal collapse of these three incidents into a span of only one week is an extraordinary phenomenon.

It is not always easy to disassemble the intricacy of human actions; but upon close inspection such deconstruction nearly always bears fruit. Particularly when human actions are viscerally related to fear and anger, such inspection into the meaning of things can be quite unnerving. For example, consider the reaction American citizens had to the train wreck in India five months ago; consider the fact that there was no reaction. The accident resulted in the deaths of over 100 individuals. 100 individuals with hopes and dreams and families. The New York Times did not declare them "heroes," nor did the flags at the Capital Building fly at half-mast. A mechanical and structural failure stemming from the poor maintenance of a bridge was the likely cause of these deaths, and yet Americans did not grieve this tragic loss [2]. Was there no "heroism" involved when this commuter train slipped its tracks and crushed human bodies amidst a mound of crooked steel? Circumstances aside, was the loss of life aboard the Space Shuttle so dramatically different? In both cases, an accident caused a loss of lives. Were those lives lost in space worth more that those lost on that train in September?

In the midst of its grief over its own Space Shuttle "disaster," the United States Government reels off a case for war; a case for implementing an action which will result in additional loss of human lives. Was the case made that Iraq is a danger to the world? Perhaps it was. It would be beneficial for the case of this discussion to imagine that the facts made a clear case for military action in Iraq. Imagine for a moment that the UN Security Council stood unanimously behind the United States Government; imagine that the military action against Iraq was a fully sanctioned action; and imagine that the world was united behind President Bush.

On February 6, the American press reported that an accident in Kuwait had killed one U.S. soldier and injured four others [3]. The loss of one precious American life was reported in the main stream press. In the coming weeks, there will be numerous reports such as these; information about the members of the United States military killed in action. They will be lauded as American "heroes" who died fighting for freedom - and they should be. Given the task to serve their country as its government and people saw fit, the young men and women being sent to die in the war in Iraq are indeed heroes of the "greater cause."

In the coming weeks, the number of civilian casualties in Iraq will be hotly contested. But what cannot be contested is that the United States Government has already calculated the magnitude of acceptable loss of Iraqi citizens; and based on a report by The New York Times, this "casualty rate" should be expected to be very high:

"The US intends to shatter Iraq 'physically, emotionally and psychologically' by raining down on its people as many as 800 cruise missiles in two days.

"The Pentagon battle plan aims not only to crush Iraqi troops, but also wipe out power and water supplies in the capital, Baghdad.

"It is based on a strategy known as 'Shock and Awe,' conceived at the National Defense University in Washington, in which between 300 and 400 cruise missiles would fall on Iraq each day for two consecutive days. It would be more than twice the number of missiles launched during the entire 40 days of the 1991 Gulf War." [4]

It should be noted that the United States Government has also calculated a statistic for acceptable loss of American military personnel. The difference is that the bodies of American military personnel sent home in body bags will be called "heroes," while those of the Iraqi civilian population left to rot in city streets will be called "casualties of war."

If the distinguishing characteristic is that a "hero" is a person who lost their life for the "common good," then Iraqi civilians killed in the impending war are perhaps heroes of the highest regard - through the loss of their lives, America will be able to "win" the war against Saddam Hussein. This however is an unlikely reaction; though there will be formal apologies, the grim fact will remain that Iraqi lives will not be counted as carefully as American lives. This is a confounding reality; this is a disturbing certainty; and this is a tremendously telling fact.

On the heels of Colin Powell's affirmation of America's just war, there has been much discussion of increased threats of terrorism. The very close timing of Colin Powell's speech and the change in threat level to "orange" should not confuse the situation. Although one of the accusations against Iraq [as yet unsubstantiated, even by one of America's closest allies, Great Britain [5] ] is that they are aiding and abetting terrorists, any action taken against Iraq cannot be seen as an important step in the "War" against terrorism, nor as a step toward dismantling Al Qaeda. Though the words "Iraq" and "terrorism" are now finding themselves intermingled more frequently, their linguistic proximity does not result in an actual or factual corroboration of these two words. That being said, the American government has done embarrassingly little to complete the war against Al Qaeda [which began with action in Afghanistan against another "regime" which was in the habit of disagreeing with American hegemony] and so a small and empty victory in Iraq will subvert any looming criticism for a while - particularly when the media and the administration will propagandize this action as part of the "War Against Terror," of which it is certainly not.

When the United States mourns its own, it is with a sense of pride and hegemony. It is part of American culture for its families to work hard and earn what it takes to support themselves. When its societal members see suffering, it is most often with a sense of remorse and sadness; Americans truly are a caring and sensitive lot. But just as often, this remorse is mixed with a sense of morbid justification; a rationalization that the suffering seen on television is sad and disturbing and unfortunate, but also that it is avoidable if those involved took responsibility for what was going on, and committed themselves to rectifying the situation. The free market has bred a cruel immorality into the American psyche. Even with their own citizens, the gulf between the "haves" and "have nots" results in a logic of suffering as a "deserved" consequence of certain actions or inactions.

It is in this pale light that Americans see the fate of the Iraqi people: Saddam Hussein has lead them towards death and destruction. George Bush has said on many occasions that peace is, "In Saddam's hands." This of course is only partially true. Peace is also in George Bush's hands, and in the hands of the American people and its elected officials. There are many members of the U.N. Security council that understand this fully. Contrary to Mr. Bush's rush to war, are the positions held by Germany, France, China, Angola, Cameroon, Chile, and Guinea. These countries argue that the inspections should continue, with the intention of substantiating any claim that Saddam indeed does have weapons of mass destruction. Although admirable, this position will ultimately be ineffectual, because in a matter of weeks, George Bush will continue his irretraceable and obstinate course toward war; and as in the recent past, he will lie to the American public to rationalize his decision:

On February 10, 2003, George W. Bush stated the following:

"Saddam Hussein regards the Iraqi people as human shields, entirely expendable when their suffering serves his purposes. America views the Iraqi people as human being who have suffered long enough under this tyrant." [6]

Such an egregious and intentional deception should be an impeachable offense. The facts of the situation speak loudly and clearly, and they indicate that the United States of America has regarded the Iraqi people as nothing more than expendable bodies in an ineffectual political and economic stand against Saddam Hussein, commonly referred to as the "Sanctions against Iraq." It has been well known for nearly a decade that the sanctions against Iraq have resulted in a tremendous increase in human mortality rates in the region. The suffering of the Iraqi people has served Mr. Bush's purposes for quite some time. To propose to end this suffering through an immediate act of war, rather than by arguing for slight modifications to the imposed Sanctions over the last ten years, is now a sad irony; and a fact which Mr. Bush and his administration would rather not address.

In July of 1999, a study was released by Dr. Richard Garfield of Columbia University, which addressed the issues of increased morbidity rates in Iraq, particularly among children. The entirety of this study is available online at the following address: http://www.casi.org.uk/info/garfield/dr-garfield.html. The conclusion of the study was as follows:

Sustained increases in young child mortality are extremely rare in this century. Such a large increase as that found here is almost unknown in the public health literature. In Iraq, a rate of mortality among under five-year-olds in excess of 80 per one thousand births was last experienced about twenty years ago. Living conditions in Iraq, thus, represent a loss of several decades of progress in reducing mortality. This is a social disaster which should be urgently addressed. To the degree that economic sanctions complicate access to and utilization of essential goods, sanctions regulations should be modified immediately. In addition, the international community should urgently make available to Iraq materials and expertise to improve child health programs and policies in the fields of feeding and weaning practices, diarrhea and respiratory infection recognition and care, and maternal and child health care, family income, and education. [7]

Aimed at punishing Saddam Hussein, these sanctions have instead, punished innocent Iraqi civilians. The lies must stop. The truth must be told. George W. Bush must put an end to his blatant lies. How will this be done? The truth is, that Saddam Hussein is a dangerous man. This truth is not in any doubt. The other truth is that George W. Bush is a dangerous man. This truth, is also not in any doubt. To willfully ignore the degree to which the United States has allowed the Iraqi people to be an "expendable population" is tragic. To continue to brand Saddam a vicious monster while proclaiming American benevolence is an immoral and horrible lie and one which historians will later examine with a degree of sadness and awe.

In the coming weeks, Americans will mourn their own; and hopefully the loss of all innocent lives as well. In order for that to happen, the President of the United States must start telling the truth. Only then will Americans have the opportunity to grieve properly for the loss of life that has occurred in this region over the last decade; and come to terms with the degree to which the sanctions were responsible for such deaths. Only then will Americans fully understand the magnitude of death and suffering which military action will cause to the Iraqi civilian population; and only then will they hold their government responsible for the iniquities bred by its actions. High on this list of its clandestine American profligacy is the number of young men and women being sent to die in Iraq. The United States has ordered 77,000 body bags for this excursion [8]. The grieving process should already have begun, for soon the streets of Baghdad will run red with the human blood of American and Iraqi heroes.

 


Credits:

[1] http://www.cnn.com/2003/US/02/07/threat.transcript/index.html
[2] http://www.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/south/09/10/india.traincrash/index.html
[3] http://www.cnn.com/2003/US/02/06/us.soldier.killed/index.html
[4] http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/01/25/1042911596206.html
[5] http://www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/meast/02/05/sprj.irq.iraq.uk.straw.reut/index.html
[6] http://www.cnn.com/2003/ALLPOLITICS/02/10/sprj.irq.bush/index.html
[7] http://www.casi.org.uk/info/garfield/dr-garfield.html
[8] http://www.news.com.au/common/story_page/0,4057,5966947%5E401,00.html

 
 
 


 
   
   
   
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